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A cobertura da grande mídia é “preconceituosa, superficial e conservadora”, afirma Juarez Xavier

Juarez Xavier, professor de jornalismo da UNESP, campus Bauru, e Coordenador do Núcleo Negro de Pesquisa e Extensão da UNESP (NUPE), afirma que a cobertura da grande mídia sobre a crise do sistema carcerário foi superficial, conservadora, e preconceituosa. Para ele, a mídia fortalece para o genocídio de negras e negros.

Entrevista / Pedro Borges
Imagem / Acervo pessoal

O jornalismo se apresenta ao público ancorado em três princípios: isenção, imparcialidade e objetividade. A partir desses três fatores, como é possível analisar a cobertura da grande imprensa sobre a crise do sistema penitenciário e de segurança pública nos estados do Espírito Santo e Rio de Janeiro?

Primeiro, acho melhor separar, conceitualmente, os conceitos de isenção e imparcialidade. Isenção e imparcialidade estão no campo da ação, no ato da cobertura jornalísticas. Elas são subjetivas e, por essa razão, não podem ser neutras. São categorias atravessadas pelas subjetividades dos jornalistas.

A objetividade é uma categoria epistêmica. A partir desse conceito, do materialismo dialético, sou capaz de observar uma realidade para além da minha subjetividade. O jornalismo, como observou Adelmo Genro Filho e Perseu Abramo, é capaz de, ao lançar mão de suas capacidades intelectuais e técnicas, produzir relatos objetivos, espelhados pela e na realidade, e produzir um conhecimento com validade social, pelo registro de suas singularidades.

Dessa forma, é possível analisar a cobertura da crise carcerária feita pela grande imprensa como preconceituosa, superficial e de caráter conservador. Preconceituosa por que desloca a crise da necessidade de se ter uma política pública de segurança social. A cobertura reforça a tese de que a/o presa/preso são destituídas/os de direitos porque são criminosos e, dessa forma, podem ser submetidas/os às mais degradantes condições.

Essa é a principal estratégia nas sociedades democráticas e liberais, como destaca a 13ª emenda da constituição norte-americana. Essa ideia está no imaginário social que, sem o contexto de que as prisões são uma máquina de retenção das rebeldias, reforça a ideia de que elas/eles estão merecendo esse tratamento, porque “alguma coisa fizeram”.

A cobertura é também superficial. Ela não aponta que esse desastre anunciado é resultado da desastrosa política iniciada nos Estados Unidos de combate às drogas e de tolerância zero, encarcerando em massa jovens negros, pobres, moradores da periferia, sem nunca terem passado pelo sistema prisional.

Jovens negros são presos e encarcerados mais do que os jovens brancos, nas mesmas condições. Sem aprofundar as circunstâncias que levam ao encarceramento em massa não é possível compreender esse fenômeno, com salientou a especialista Julita Lemgruber, quase nunca chamada para analisar o tema, porque rompe com essa linha de superficialidade.

E, por fim, a cobertura é conservadora, com a construção das imagens ideais de mocinhos e bandidos, com suas fantasias clássicas, de bons e maus. Essa visão distorcida consolida a tese de que “bandido bom é bandido morto”.

As três visões presentes na cobertura da imprensa burguesa justificam a violência sistêmica contra as populações pobres e encarceradas, e impede uma reflexão madura e intelectualmente qualificada sobre o problema que deve ser abordado pela ótica social, e não criminal, evitando-se assim a satanização e a romantização do fenômeno, dos mais graves na sociedade democrática burguesa, e indispensável para a existência desse sistema de segregação.

A cobertura da mídia hegemônica pouco recorda a disputa do mercado de drogas pelas facções e muito menos a violência enquanto problema estrutural do país. Prefere-se ressaltar a barbárie, o confronto e a “falta de racionalidade” no conflito entre os grupos. Por quê?

Faz parte da estratégia de articulação entre aparelho repressivo – justiça e prisões - e o aparelho ideológico – cobertura da imprensa. Deixam de abordar que a situação atual foi deflagrada pela política suicida de guerra às drogas, inaugurada pelo governo Nixon e disseminada pelo governo Reagan.

A desumanização dos atores pobres nessa cadeia cria duas ilusões: a romântica e a destruidora. O confronto dessas duas visões desinforma e justifica a violência sistêmica.

Você vê a mídia se utilizando do momento para fortalecer o debate acerca da privatização dos presídios e fortalecimento do militarismo? Quais os impactos disso?

A privatização é um tema ainda pequeno no país. Ela é mais intensa nos Estados Unidos por razões históricas. Lá há um complexo penitenciário-industrial desde a abolição, no século 19. A diferença é que no século 20 eles montaram essa base industrial, via privatização.

No Brasil, essa discussão faz parte do projeto global de privatização do estado. A mídia empresarial cria as condições subjetivas e emocionais para esse debate. Ele está adormecido, mas não esquecido.

Vira e mexe há artigos de “especialistas” nos grandes veículos, justificando as vantagens do sistema privado, sem evidenciar a perversidade dessa lógica, de um novo tipo de escravidão, como nos Estados Unidos, onde a ampliação das prisões e dos prisioneiros gera lucros. Inclusive lá, eles começam a desenvolver projetos de vigilância à distância, para investir em novas tecnologias, estimuladas pelos “donos das prisões”.

Em nenhum veículo da grande imprensa, as mortes nos presídios foram associadas ao genocídio de negras e negros. Por quê? É possível considerar a morte nos presídios como uma política genocida de Estado?

Essa política faz parte do pacote do genocídio, de maneira direta e indireta. O exército de reserva de mão de obra não é mais necessário para o rebaixamento da massa salarial. Essa população, como observará Milton Santos, tornou-se descartável. Para o capital, elas não cabem mais no sistema, por isso são carbonizadas pela soma das violências físicas e simbólicas. A primeira executa, a segunda justifica.

Quais os malefícios da imprensa naturalizar e até clamar pela participação militar da Força Nacional e do Exército em estados com problemas de segurança pública, como o Espírito Santo e o Rio de Janeiro?

Todos. É um atentado à democracia – mesmo liberal e burguesa - e estimula o reacionarismo do fascismo social, em voga no Brasil e na Europa. É como chocar o “ovo da serpente”.

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